“Albania and Serbia have had a complicated past,” said Ambassador of the Netherlands to Tirana Guusje Korthas Altes in her opening remarks of the Annual Forum of the Joint Center for Albania-Serbia Relations. She said that the Netherlands was involved in Western Balkans and concretely in the project because her country considered the region important
By Genc Mlloja
Senior Diplomatic Editor
The cliche catchphrase ‘agreeing to disagree’ has been considered as inefficient for the promotion, diversification and consolidation of the still shallow processes of the overall cooperation between Albania and Serbia by some participants in a forum held in Tirana on 3-4 March 2020.
Focusing on the current state of relations between these two West Balkan countries, a comprehensive overview of Albania-Serbia relationship in the regional and European context has been made at the Annual Forum of the Joint Center for Albania-Serbia Relations (JCASR), a joint initiative of the Albanian Institute for International Studies (AIIS) and the European Movement Serbia (EMS) supported by the Kingdom of the Netherlands, which was launched in 2015.
“Albania and Serbia have had a complicated past,” said Ambassador of the Netherlands to Tirana Guusje Korthas Altes in her opening remarks of the Forum. She said that the Netherlands was involved in Western Balkans and concretely in the project because her country considered the region important. “The region is close to our hearts, and we support the EU accession drive of the regional countries,” said the Dutch Ambassador explaining the reason behind the support of the Netherlands for the launch of JCASR. In addition Ms. Altes pointed out that even the bilateral relations of the Netherlands with Albania and Serbia are important.
As the Forum was organized in the format of an interactive two-day event, two position papers were presented by the EMS President, Jelica Minic and AIIS Chairman Albert Rakipi, which were followed by contributions in three panels – “Enhancing cultural dialogue and cooperation”, “Economic relations” and “Strategic cooperation”. Forum’s target was to increase the communication, knowledge and interaction among actors in Albania and Serbia, who are influential in politics, economic policy making, media, arts, culture, and youth activism in both countries. Through their analysis, contributions, discussions and observations the participants aimed to help building networks and working partnerships between the two countries, which would in turn contribute to the normalization of their relations as well as to the European integration of their societies.
Attending the event Albanian Daily News could have the full texts of the position papers compiled by the European Movement Serbia and Albanian Institute for International Studies and taking into consideration even the remarks of the speakers in the panels some main highlights are published by it. Since the very beginning it can be said that both institutions have been led by the wish to help the promotion of the bilateral relations between Tirana and Belgrade but the content of the papers brought to the attention the awareness that Albania and Serbia are not ‘easy friends’ for many reasons with Kosovo being particularly as the bone of contention.
A view from Belgrade
Albanian- Serbian relationship has followed a progressive course since the year 2014 when good understanding of common interests was expressed at the highest level but there have been many oscillations caused by internal political developments in both countries, the Kosovo-related disagreements, or due to contradictory engagement in the political affairs of neighboring countries, EMS President Jelica Minic said while presenting the main highlights of her position paper. “In spite of the above, trade, infrastructure development, tourism, cultural exchange and civil society activities are all paving the way to normalization and rapprochement of the two societies and economies, positively influencing the regional map of interconnections,” she said, adding that although 20 years have passed since the launch of the Stabilization and Association process, Croatia is the only country from the WB region having joined EU. Serbia received the full candidate status in 2012, started accession negotiations in 2014, and has since opened 18 negotiating chapters. The European Council granted the candidate status to Albania in 2014. In 2018, the EC recommended the opening of accession negotiations, which was repeated twice in 2019 but was postponed again in October.
It is noted that cooperation with alliances and great powers is differently structured by Serbia and Albania. Besides the EU as Albania’s main economic and political partner, the US, notes the paper, is its key strategic foreign policy partner both in political and military terms. Albania is also a member of NATO. While Serbia closely cooperates with NATO through the Individual Partnership Action Plan it also has the observer status in the Collective Security Treaty Organization founded by Russia, Armenia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. Serbia has developed close ties with Russia and recently China, as well as Turkey as a regional power and the Arab Emirates.
Historically, the two countries have different gravitation centres – the Mediterranean (Italy and Greece) for Albania and Central Europe (Austria, Germany and Italy) for Serbia, according to the paper.
Developments in the Middle East have also been reflected in Serbia and Albania. For example, more than one third of the Serbian export in arms and military equipment, worth approximately USD 200 million – made directly but also through companies registered in the US, Bulgaria, Cyprus and Slovenia) – go to the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Saudi Arabia and are linked with the wars in that region. Albania, on the other side, hosts more than 3,000 members of the Iranian opposition group Mujahedeen-e-Khalq (MEK), causing much strain to the current relations between Teheran and Tirana. “Serbia and Albania are members of numerous regional organizations. According to the data of the Regional Cooperation Council of intergovernmental regional initiatives and organizations, both countries are members of approximately 50 such bodies,” it is said.
“Serbia and Albania are indeed affected by the escalation of the Serbia-Kosovo problem and lack of dialogue. This is also reflected in the regional framework, and will threaten mutual confidence as well as practical endeavors in different areas if the problem is not solved in the foreseeable future,” said the paper.
In a reference to the so called “mini Schengen”, as the most recent trilateral initiative (Albania, North Macedonia and Serbia) which is also open to other Western Balkan countries, is strongly supported by the EU and the US, said the paper, which adds that it has caused resistance in other potential member countries.
There are 66 interstate documents (agreements, conventions, protocols, memoranda) including those between Albania and former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, having started in 1926 with the Kingdom of Yugoslavia (one on extradition and the other on border demarcation).
Speaking of the level of economic relations between the two countries it is said that it is low. The Albanian-Serbian Chamber of Trade and Industry was established in 2016, with headquarters in Tirana. Tourism is one of the most promising areas for cooperation, since there is a growing interest and potential for both countries.
The paper quotes several public opinion polls published about the mutual perceptions of Serbs and Albanians and the bilateral relations between Serbia and Albania, and according to them, relations between the two countries, administrations and citizens were mostly stagnant (47% in Serbia and 57% in Albania), deteriorating (28% and 30%) or slightly improving (26% of the responses in Serbia and 13% in Albania). “Citizens believe that they will remain unchanged in the future, with few windows of opportunity for progress.”
“As regards the list of main obstacles to the improvement of relations of two peoples and states, historical animosities hold the leading position. The Kosovo issue stands very high on the list, particularly in Serbia, while the role played by politicians in both countries is ranked third (although much more so in Albania). Education/upbringing and prejudices and stereotypes share the fourth position. There is a prevailing conviction that the other side is not ready to build friendly relations, while one’s own nation and state are evaluated as benevolent in this respect,” noted the paper.
A view from Tirana
Under the headline ‘Albania-Serbia relations: from enthusiasm to status quo, from status quo to the false promise of a strategic agenda’, the position paper compiled by AIIS was composed of 9 parts: Abstract, Conflict as the Dominant Mode of Relationship, Towards a New Chapter, From Enthusiasm to Status Quo, From Status Quo to a False Strategic Agenda, Albania-Serbia: Kosovo as a Proxy War, Albania as Kosovo’s Mother-Country in Albania-Serbia Diplomacy, The Risks of Keeping an Elephant in the Room, Conclusion.
As it can be seen from the sub-headlines of the nine chapters four of them are totally dedicated to Kosovo and its direct impact on the ties between Albania and Serbia with the latter historically pursuing a consistent policy focused on dominating the other countries of the region. In addition, according to the paper presented by AIIS Chairman Albert Rakipi, Serbia continues to refuse to recognize Kosovo’s independence, sustaining a frozen conflict between them, something that does nothing to improve relations between Albania and Serbia.
But as the paper notes starting from Autumn 2014 Tirana and Belgrade sent clear signals that they wished to launch a new era in their generally conflictual relationship and over the last five years these countries have increased their political communication and undertaken several concrete steps to increase economic co-operation. “Although progress has been modest so far, there is every chance of a new phase in relations between the two states.”
Regarding the geo-political level the paper sees Albania and Serbia as two key countries for the Western Balkans and beyond, bearing in mind that Albania has been a NATO member since 2009, is a candidate for EU membership, and has supported and continues unreservedly to support EU and more generally western foreign policy including towards the great powers outside the Balkans – above all Russia. At the same time, in the historical context Albania is seen as the mother-country for all those Albanians who, since the foundation of the Albanian state in 1913, have remained outside its borders and are now citizens of other states in the region: Kosovo since 2008, and North Macedonia and Montenegro following their departure from the Yugoslav Federation and establishment as independent states, it is said. Although Albania’s role has diminished, and with Kosovo independence technically Albania cannot be the mother-country for Kosovo’s Albanians, the country nonetheless retains strategic importance in the confrontation, competition, co-operation and balance between two peoples, the Albanians and the Serbs, whose relationship historically has been antagonistic, conflictual and often hostile, said the paper.
From a geo-political perspective, Serbia – which represents the largest and most competitive state and market in the region – pursues a policy at first glance open towards both the West and the East, an approach that recalls Yugoslavia’s foreign policy through the Non-Aligned Movement; but at heart, the current policy remains at the very least controversial, notes the paper. “For example while preparations continue for the adoption of a new NATO Individual Membership Action Plan, in parallel Serbia maintains a steady military co-operation with Russia.”
“After the fall of Milosevic, political dialogue and relations between Tirana and Belgrade moved onto a more or less normal track, with what was in fact a rather engaged and constructive attitude by the Albanians. Immediately after the re-establishment of diplomatic relations, in January 2001, the two countries committed to increasing contacts. Deputy Prime Minister Ilir Meta visited Belgrade in 2003, and the Foreign Ministers exchanged visits,” said the paper.
Over the last five years trade and other exchanges have grown, and a number of Serbian companies competing in the Balkans have shown interest in investing in the Albanian market, according to the paper, which adds that today only a third of Albanian citizens judge that relations with Serbia are good (24%) or very good (7%). Over the last four to five years there has been high-level communication and dialogue. The Prime Minister of Albania, Edi Rama has visited Belgrade twice, and likewise Aleksandar Vucic visited Albania for the first time as Prime Minister and again as President of Serbia. Besides state visits, the countries’ two figureheads have often met under the auspices of the Berlin Process or of various regional initiatives, including the most recent Balkan Schengen initiative.
“Since 2014, on the agenda of political meetings and dialogue between Albania and Serbia at the highest state and governmental level, issues of bilateral co-operation have been replaced by a more strategic approach, which relates principally to the future of the Western Balkans, peace-building and regional integration. From the first official discussions in November 2014, when the Albanian Prime Minister made his public call in Belgrade for the recognition of Kosovo, this last theme has been included and even predominant in every meeting and public message of Rama with Vucic, both ‘forgetting’ – each for his own reasons – that the bilateral agenda includes the business of a third state which neither had nor has the authority to represent. This inclusion ‘by force’ naturally makes the bilateral agenda between Albania and Serbia very political and strategic, and a hot topic for local and international media,” the paper points out.
During the second half of 2019, time and space on the strategic agenda of the two countries was devoted to the Balkan Schengen, which was considered by the paper as a controversial initiative based on the model of the EU’s Schengen arrangements, which would make possible and applicable four major freedoms: the movement of people, services, goods and capital among six states of the Western Balkans, three of whom – Serbia, Kosovo and Bosnia – do not recognize one another. According to the paper, the leaders of Albania and Serbia are careful to articulate the message that the strategic agenda they are now pursuing either, for Albania, has the full support of Brussels and Washington, or is happening because the time has come for the countries of the Balkans to take their fate in their own hands, for Serbia. The affectation by Albania and Serbia of a strategic agenda, purportedly helping reconciliation and making history, is unsustainable and even false.
“Albania and Serbia are essential for Balkan security, stability and development. These relationships are strategic and as such they demand, above all, ownership and support on the ground rather than just from European diplomacy. The new rapprochement between Albania and Serbia seems to have support and expectations from the European powers. EU and in particular German backing for a new era in inter-state relations between them is linked to the idea of a wider reconciliation between Albanians and Serbs as ‘the great rival peoples’ of the Balkans. The deepening and broadening of their relationship could also assist the establishment of a new spirit between the peoples, but reconciliation between Albanians and Serbs should happen between Serbia and Kosovo,” concludes the paper.
‘WB countries have the same problems’
In his contribution in the panel on strategic cooperation, Vladimir Medak, Vice-President of European Movement Serbia, insisted that most of the WB countries have the same problems some of which are criticized by EU like lack of rule of law, state capture, problems with the functioning of parliaments.
“Without rule of law nothing can go ahead,” he said. In the meantime Mr. Medak saw a slowdown of the EU integration process of WB countries. “There is a backslide in the enlargement process… Status quo is the easy way for EU,” he said, making an appeal to civil society organizations to be louder in their appeal to EU so that they come to Western Balkans.
Deputy Mirela Kumbaro was of the opinion that the WB countries are not so friendly to each other. “We are not easy friends,” she said. In the meantime Mrs. Kumbaro was not happy that the region was named Western Balkans. Referring to Albanian-Serbian relations she was of the opinion that the two countries have the main role to play in the Balkan region.
In the meantime Ergys Muzhaqi, security expert, was critical of the Albanian-Serbian strategic cooperation, which, according to him, remains in paper. “Agreeing to disagree does not provide security to any country and the region,” he said. In his view nothing has changed in the bilateral relations of the two countries. In a reference to the Berlin Process, Mr. Muzhaqi said that it has stalled and nothing is happening.
“There is double talk on the relations between Serbia and Albania… Nothing can be done without political confidence,” said Lutjona Lula, an IR researcher.
